BC STORIES

The BC Conservative Leadership Race: Nine Paths, Two Models

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The Current Newsroom – Chad Dashly

The Current Newsroom – Chad Dashly

British Columbia’s conservative movement has arrived at a defining moment. With nine candidates seeking the leadership of the Conservative Party of British Columbia, this contest is about far more than personality, campaign organization, or internal party math. It is, at its core, a debate over what modern conservatism should look like in British Columbia and what kind of coalition is capable of turning opposition energy into a credible governing project.

The field is broad and varied: Bruce Banman, Harman Bhangu, Iain Black, Caroline Elliott, Kerry-Lynne Findlay, Yuri Fulmer, Warren Hamm, Darrell Jones, and Peter Milobar each offer a different route forward. Some present themselves as pragmatic economic managers. Others are speaking directly to the party’s activist base. A few are trying to bridge both worlds. Taken together, the candidates reflect a party that is still defining its ideology, tone, and purpose.


Key Takeaways

  • The BC Conservative leadership race is ultimately a debate about the future identity of the party.
  • Some candidates represent a pragmatic, business-first approach similar to Doug Ford’s governing style in Ontario.
  • Others are appealing more directly to grassroots conservatives who want stronger ideological clarity.
  • Wab Kinew offers a contrasting lesson in coalition-building, message discipline, and voter connection.
  • There is no clear runaway front-runner, making the race highly fluid and politically significant.
  • The outcome could determine whether the party remains a protest vehicle or evolves into a serious contender for government.

The Deep Dive

One of the clearest frameworks for understanding the BC Conservative leadership race is to compare it against two major provincial political models in Canada today: Doug Ford in Ontario and Wab Kinew in Manitoba. These are very different leaders with very different governing coalitions, but both offer valuable lessons for a party trying to move from insurgency to viability.

The Ford model is rooted in pragmatism, affordability politics, and broad-based electoral appeal. Ford has succeeded by focusing on jobs, growth, infrastructure, and kitchen-table concerns while avoiding the kinds of ideological battles that can scare off swing voters. His brand of conservatism is populist in tone but practical in delivery. It speaks to suburban families, private-sector workers, and voters who may not identify as deeply ideological but want government to feel more competent and more attentive to everyday pressures.

Several candidates in British Columbia fit naturally within that lane. Darrell Jones and Yuri Fulmer both reflect the business-oriented case for conservative leadership. Their appeal rests on the argument that political leadership should be grounded in executive competence, economic confidence, and a clearer focus on investment and growth. Iain Black also sits comfortably in this category, bringing a more policy-driven and institutional version of the same worldview. Peter Milobar, meanwhile, offers a more experienced political variation of the Ford model: practical, measured, and credible to those who believe the party needs an operator rather than a crusader.

These candidates make the case that British Columbia conservatives can only win if they look ready to govern. Their instinct is to broaden the coalition, reassure business, appeal to moderates, and present conservatism as a stable alternative to the NDP rather than a vehicle for protest alone. In strategic terms, that may be the shortest route to suburban ridings and mainstream legitimacy.

But leadership races are not won only in the centre. They are often decided by the members who sign up, volunteer, organize, and demand sharper conviction from their candidates. That is where the party’s ideological wing becomes especially important. Bruce Banman has built his appeal around unapologetic conservatism and a willingness to take direct aim at the governing NDP. Kerry-Lynne Findlay brings experience and credibility with voters who want the party rooted in traditional conservative principles. Harman Bhangu and Warren Hamm also speak to activists who believe the movement should be bolder, clearer, and less concerned with establishment approval.

This wing of the party reflects the emotional energy behind the conservative rise in British Columbia. It draws strength from public frustration over affordability, crime, bureaucracy, and cultural fatigue with the governing class. Its strength is intensity. Its risk is reach. A message that energizes members may not always persuade the broader electorate, especially in a province where elections are often decided by voters who are less ideological and more situational.

That is where the Wab Kinew contrast becomes especially useful. Kinew is not a conservative model in ideological terms, but he is a highly relevant model in political terms. His success has come from building a coalition larger than his base, telling a disciplined story about change, and connecting with voters on both policy and identity. He has shown that modern provincial politics rewards leaders who can combine narrative, relatability, and practical governance. He does not rely solely on ideological agreement. He relies on emotional credibility and coalition expansion.

For BC Conservatives, that matters. Even if they reject Kinew’s policy direction, they cannot ignore the strategic lesson. A party that wants to govern must build beyond its own comfort zone. It must speak not only to the faithful, but to uncertain voters who want reassurance that change will be constructive rather than chaotic.

What makes this leadership race so consequential is that the Conservative Party of British Columbia still feels politically young. It has momentum, visibility, and a growing pool of talent, but it is not yet ideologically settled. The candidates are effectively auditioning different versions of the same movement. The business-first conservatives want credibility. The establishment conservatives want structure and discipline. The grassroots populists want conviction and clarity. Caroline Elliott, in many respects, represents an attempt to blend activist energy with broader public appeal.

And that is why there is no obvious front-runner. The race remains open because the party itself remains open-ended. Members are not simply choosing a leader. They are choosing a theory of victory.


Why It Matters

The BC Conservative leadership race matters because it will shape more than the internal future of one party. It will help determine whether British Columbia’s conservative movement can mature into a serious governing alternative or remain defined by opposition politics alone. That choice has implications for the entire provincial political landscape.

If the party selects a leader who can combine economic credibility with broad public appeal, it may be able to consolidate support among voters looking for an alternative to the NDP without alarming moderates. If it chooses a leader more focused on ideological confrontation, it may deepen its loyalty among activists while risking a narrower path in a general election. Neither route is inherently doomed, but each comes with clear trade-offs.

In the end, the most important question is not simply who wins in May. It is what kind of conservative party emerges afterward. Will it follow a pragmatic, growth-focused model that resembles Doug Ford’s electoral strategy? Will it embrace a sharper grassroots identity? Or can it do what the strongest provincial parties do and merge discipline, conviction, and coalition-building into a durable political force?

That is the real contest now underway in British Columbia. The leader who answers it best will not just win a race. They may define the province’s next political era.


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BC STORIES

BC Supreme Court Judge Set to Rule on Sentence Length for Former Gang Member

Defence lawyers recommend 12 to 14 years for Ekene Anigbo for the 2021 Naramata manslaughter of Kathleen Richardson. A judge rules Nov. 2 in Kelowna.

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Judicial Decision Expected in November

B.C. Supreme Court Justice Alison Beames is scheduled to deliver a sentencing ruling on Nov. 2 regarding Ekene Anigbo following a two-day hearing in Kelowna.

Defence lawyers for the 27-year-old former gang member have asked the court for a term of 12 to 14 years. Anigbo was convicted of manslaughter on Aug. 14 in connection with the June 9, 2021 death of 57-year-old Kathleen Richardson inside her Naramata residence.

Dispute Over Rehabilitation and Penalty

The recommendation from the defence directly contrasts with the prosecution’s request on Oct. 7 for life imprisonment without parole eligibility for 10 years. Defence counsel argued that the Crown was seeking to artificially inflate the sentence, pointing out that Anigbo has ended his gang ties since 2024 and completed anger management, employability skills, and Indigenous programming at Okanagan Correctional Centre.

If Justice Beames adopts the defence proposal, Anigbo would become eligible to apply for parole after completing one-third of the sentence.

Details of the Fatal Incident

Anigbo was originally tried for first-degree murder, but Justice Beames determined the Crown did not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he fired the lethal shots. However, court proceedings established that Anigbo and co-accused Jalen Falk entered the home together armed with at least two handguns to track down Richardson’s son, Wade Cudmore, who was believed by associates to have killed two brothers and stolen cash and drugs.

When they discovered Cudmore was absent, the pair attempted to extract information from Richardson. Evidence showed she resisted, sustaining non-fatal injuries to her hands and arms, before the two men worked together to kill her and fled the scene. Her body was later discovered in her basement by an RCMP officer arriving to caution Cudmore about potential danger.

Related Legal Outcomes

The fatal event was tied to a broader sequence of violent incidents. Cudmore was taken into custody the day after his mother’s body was found and was subsequently convicted of two counts of second-degree murder involving the deaths of brothers Erick and Carlos Fryer.

Meanwhile, Falk entered a guilty plea to second-degree murder for Richardson’s death and received a life sentence in February with no chance of parole for 16 years.

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BC STORIES

Loss of Newborn Calf Puts Fresh Focus on Endangered Southern Resident Whales

A critically endangered southern resident killer whale, J31, was seen pushing a dead newborn calf in B.C. waters, raising concerns for the population.

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Tragic Sight Recorded Off Sombrio Point

Researchers with the Center for Whale Research confirmed that a female southern resident killer whale was seen pushing a dead newborn calf on her nose on Oct. 3 in the Strait of Juan de Fuca near Sombrio Point.

Mark Malleson, a researcher with the Washington-based organization, spotted the 31-year-old orca—identified as J31 or Tsuchi—travelling alongside her immediate family. According to a statement from the group, “It s unclear whether the newborn was a male or female, if it had been carried to full term prior to birth, and if it died after birth or was a stillbirth.”

Reproductive History and Population Pressures

Born in 1995, Tsuchi has a history of reproductive loss, including failed pregnancies and a deceased calf she carried in 2016. Her only surviving offspring is J56, a female named Tofino who was born in 2019.

The loss underscores the deep reproductive challenges confronting the critically endangered population. The Center for Whale Research emphasized that access to large, nutritionally rich Chinook salmon remains one of the primary factors limiting their ability to recover.

“For a population as small as the southern residents, the successful birth and survival of every calf matters,” the organization stated.

Pattern of Loss Across Pods

Tsuchi’s loss recalls similar events documented in the southern resident population, which comprises J, K and L pods. In 2018, J35 (Tahlequah) gained international attention after carrying her dead calf over 1,600 kilometres during a 17-day journey. Tahlequah was seen carrying another dead calf on her head or snout in early 2025. Later that year, 26-year-old J36 (Alki) lost a female calf—marking her fifth documented pregnancy, with only one calf surviving past infancy for under two years.

Recent census data from the Center for Whale Research recorded 74 southern residents, up by one from 73 in 2024. Although two births—K47 in December of last year and L130 in June—raised the total to 76, another calf, L129, is presumed dead after going missing from L-pod in June following observations of poor physical condition.

“The southern resident killer whales remain critically endangered, and their recovery depends not simply on increasing the number of pregnancies, but on creating the conditions in which mothers and calves can survive and thrive,” said the Center for Whale Research.

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BC STORIES

Defense Seeks 12 to 14 Years as Judge Weighs Sentence in Naramata Manslaughter Case

Defense lawyers recommend 12 to 14 years for Ekene Anigbo following his manslaughter conviction in the 2021 death of Kathleen Richardson in Naramata.

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Competing Sentence Recommendations Presented in B.C. Supreme Court

Defense lawyers representing former gang member Ekene Anigbo have asked a court for a prison sentence ranging from 12 to 14 years, arguing that the 27-year-old is making progress toward rehabilitation. Anigbo appeared in B.C. Supreme Court in Kelowna on Oct. 8 for the second day of his sentencing hearing following his Aug. 14 conviction for manslaughter in the death of 57-year-old Kathleen Richardson.

The defense’s proposal stands in contrast to the position of the Crown, which asked on Oct. 7 for a life sentence with no chance of parole for 10 years. Anigbo’s legal team criticized the prosecution’s request, contending that it was an attempt to “artificially inflate” the penalty. If the judge accepts the defense recommendation, Anigbo would become eligible to apply for parole after completing one-third of his term.

Details Surrounding the 2021 Naramata Homicide

The conviction stems from an incident in the early hours of June 9, 2021, when Anigbo and co-accused Jalen Falk entered Richardson’s home in Naramata searching for her son, Wade Cudmore. While Justice Alison Beames ruled that the prosecution did not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Anigbo fired the fatal shots, the court determined the two men worked together and killed Richardson, whose body was discovered in her basement later that day.

Court proceedings revealed that the intrusion was linked to a broader conspiracy rooted in the killing of brothers Erick and Carlos Fryer. Anigbo’s associates suspected Cudmore was involved in the brothers’ deaths and had taken drugs and money. Armed with at least two firearms, Anigbo and Falk sought information on Cudmore’s whereabouts from Richardson. Evidence showed Richardson resisted, sustaining non-fatal injuries to her hands and arms before being killed.

Subsequent Legal Outcomes and Upcoming Ruling

An RCMP officer found Richardson’s body while visiting the residence to alert Cudmore that his safety might be at risk. Cudmore was taken into custody the following day for the deaths of the Fryer brothers and was subsequently convicted on two counts of second-degree murder. In February, Falk admitted guilt to second-degree murder in connection with Richardson’s death, receiving a life sentence with parole eligibility set at 16 years.

During his time held at the Okanagan Correctional Centre, Anigbo has taken courses in employability skills, anger management, and Indigenous programs, with court hearing he has maintained no gang ties since 2024. Justice Beames is scheduled to deliver the court’s sentencing decision on Nov. 2.

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