BC STORIES

OneBC’s Early Implosion Shows the Cost of Power Without Structure

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The Current, Chad Dashly

New political parties rarely fail because of ideology alone. More often, they collapse under the weight of ego, unclear authority, and internal power struggles or inability to raise donations. The brief and chaotic rise of OneBC is a textbook example of how not to launch a political movement and how quickly a lack of discipline can undo even the most ambitious project.

OneBC emerged amid deep fractures on the political right in British Columbia. With voters frustrated by establishment parties and conservative forces splintering, the space for a new alternative appeared ripe. At the centre of that effort was Dallas Brodie, who stepped into the role of leader and became the public face of a party still finding its footing.

But almost from the outset, OneBC suffered from a problem that has plagued countless insurgent movements: power existed without structure.

Behind the scenes Othman Mekhloufi, a political activist and organizer within conservative grassroots circles, became a growing presence. Mekhloufi was not an elected official, not a candidate, and not a formally accountable party executive. Yet he was widely perceived, internally and externally, as exercising influence over communications, strategy, and internal direction.

That influence quickly became a flashpoint.

According to multiple accounts from within OneBC’s orbit, Mekhloufi’s role was never clearly defined. What began as activist energy and organizational support blurred into something far more consequential. Decisions appeared to be shaped by informal authority rather than transparent process. Messaging grew erratic. Internal disputes spilled into public view. For a party desperately trying to establish legitimacy, this was a serious liability.

Brodie’s decision to remove Mekhloufi from any role associated with OneBC was less about a single incident and more about an attempt to reassert leadership control. The concern was not merely tone or temperament, but the existence of what some insiders described as a parallel centre of power, influence without responsibility.

From a leadership perspective, the move made sense. New parties survive only if they project discipline, coherence, and credibility. Allowing unelected activists to appear as de facto decision-makers is an invitation to chaos. Brodie’s action was intended to draw a firm line: authority flows from leadership, not from loudness or proximity.

But the damage had already been done.

The firing did not stabilize OneBC. Instead, it exposed just how fragile the party’s internal foundation really was. Trust had eroded. Factions had hardened. What should have been a private organizational correction became a public rupture. The party’s internal conflicts intensified rather than subsided.

Not long after, Brodie herself was removed as leader by OneBC’s board — a stunning reversal that underscored the central irony of the situation. In attempting to impose order, she revealed how little structural authority actually existed to begin with.

This is where OneBC’s story shifts from internal squabble to political cautionary tale.

Parties do not fail simply because of controversial personalities. They fail when roles are undefined, governance is weak, and leadership authority is ambiguous. In OneBC’s case, the party never clearly established who had decision-making power, how strategy was set, or how internal disagreements would be resolved. That vacuum was inevitably filled by personality, influence, and conflict.

Figures like Othman Mekhloufi become symbols in such environments, not because they are uniquely powerful, but because weak institutions allow informal power to flourish. When accountability mechanisms are absent, perception becomes reality, and internal resentment grows.

This is why commentators like Jas Johal have seized on Mekhloufi’s name. Not because he is a major political figure, but because his involvement represents something larger: a party overtaken by internal dysfunction before it could even define its purpose.

The OneBC saga should serve as a warning to any movement attempting to capitalize on voter frustration. Passion and disruption are not substitutes for governance. Activism does not replace structure. And leadership without clear authority is leadership in name only.

British Columbia’s political landscape may still be hungry for alternatives, but OneBC’s implosion shows that credibility is built long before the first press release. Without disciplined organization, even the most opportune political moment can be squandered.

In the end, OneBC didn’t fall because of its ideas. It fell because it never decided clearly and collectively, who was actually in charge and what they stop for.

Editor Notes: Who Dallas Brodie and Jas Johal:

  • Dallas Brodie: Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) in British Columbia, representing Vancouver-Quilchena.  
  • Brodie was originally elected as a BC Conservative MLA in the 2024 provincial election.  
  • In 2025, she and another MLA Tara Armstrong left the Conservatives to form a new political party called OneBC (which is a far right-wing/populist party).  
  • She had been serving as interim leader of OneBC, but on or around Dec. 13-14, 2025, she was removed as leader by the party’s board amid internal conflict.  

Why Jas Johal might be mentioning her: Johal tweets a lot about British Columbia provincial politics, especially controversies involving small or new parties like OneBC and its leaders, including Brodie’s leadership struggles and the party’s policies. 

BC STORIES

BC Supreme Court Judge Set to Rule on Sentence Length for Former Gang Member

Defence lawyers recommend 12 to 14 years for Ekene Anigbo for the 2021 Naramata manslaughter of Kathleen Richardson. A judge rules Nov. 2 in Kelowna.

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Judicial Decision Expected in November

B.C. Supreme Court Justice Alison Beames is scheduled to deliver a sentencing ruling on Nov. 2 regarding Ekene Anigbo following a two-day hearing in Kelowna.

Defence lawyers for the 27-year-old former gang member have asked the court for a term of 12 to 14 years. Anigbo was convicted of manslaughter on Aug. 14 in connection with the June 9, 2021 death of 57-year-old Kathleen Richardson inside her Naramata residence.

Dispute Over Rehabilitation and Penalty

The recommendation from the defence directly contrasts with the prosecution’s request on Oct. 7 for life imprisonment without parole eligibility for 10 years. Defence counsel argued that the Crown was seeking to artificially inflate the sentence, pointing out that Anigbo has ended his gang ties since 2024 and completed anger management, employability skills, and Indigenous programming at Okanagan Correctional Centre.

If Justice Beames adopts the defence proposal, Anigbo would become eligible to apply for parole after completing one-third of the sentence.

Details of the Fatal Incident

Anigbo was originally tried for first-degree murder, but Justice Beames determined the Crown did not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he fired the lethal shots. However, court proceedings established that Anigbo and co-accused Jalen Falk entered the home together armed with at least two handguns to track down Richardson’s son, Wade Cudmore, who was believed by associates to have killed two brothers and stolen cash and drugs.

When they discovered Cudmore was absent, the pair attempted to extract information from Richardson. Evidence showed she resisted, sustaining non-fatal injuries to her hands and arms, before the two men worked together to kill her and fled the scene. Her body was later discovered in her basement by an RCMP officer arriving to caution Cudmore about potential danger.

Related Legal Outcomes

The fatal event was tied to a broader sequence of violent incidents. Cudmore was taken into custody the day after his mother’s body was found and was subsequently convicted of two counts of second-degree murder involving the deaths of brothers Erick and Carlos Fryer.

Meanwhile, Falk entered a guilty plea to second-degree murder for Richardson’s death and received a life sentence in February with no chance of parole for 16 years.

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BC STORIES

Loss of Newborn Calf Puts Fresh Focus on Endangered Southern Resident Whales

A critically endangered southern resident killer whale, J31, was seen pushing a dead newborn calf in B.C. waters, raising concerns for the population.

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Tragic Sight Recorded Off Sombrio Point

Researchers with the Center for Whale Research confirmed that a female southern resident killer whale was seen pushing a dead newborn calf on her nose on Oct. 3 in the Strait of Juan de Fuca near Sombrio Point.

Mark Malleson, a researcher with the Washington-based organization, spotted the 31-year-old orca—identified as J31 or Tsuchi—travelling alongside her immediate family. According to a statement from the group, “It s unclear whether the newborn was a male or female, if it had been carried to full term prior to birth, and if it died after birth or was a stillbirth.”

Reproductive History and Population Pressures

Born in 1995, Tsuchi has a history of reproductive loss, including failed pregnancies and a deceased calf she carried in 2016. Her only surviving offspring is J56, a female named Tofino who was born in 2019.

The loss underscores the deep reproductive challenges confronting the critically endangered population. The Center for Whale Research emphasized that access to large, nutritionally rich Chinook salmon remains one of the primary factors limiting their ability to recover.

“For a population as small as the southern residents, the successful birth and survival of every calf matters,” the organization stated.

Pattern of Loss Across Pods

Tsuchi’s loss recalls similar events documented in the southern resident population, which comprises J, K and L pods. In 2018, J35 (Tahlequah) gained international attention after carrying her dead calf over 1,600 kilometres during a 17-day journey. Tahlequah was seen carrying another dead calf on her head or snout in early 2025. Later that year, 26-year-old J36 (Alki) lost a female calf—marking her fifth documented pregnancy, with only one calf surviving past infancy for under two years.

Recent census data from the Center for Whale Research recorded 74 southern residents, up by one from 73 in 2024. Although two births—K47 in December of last year and L130 in June—raised the total to 76, another calf, L129, is presumed dead after going missing from L-pod in June following observations of poor physical condition.

“The southern resident killer whales remain critically endangered, and their recovery depends not simply on increasing the number of pregnancies, but on creating the conditions in which mothers and calves can survive and thrive,” said the Center for Whale Research.

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BC STORIES

Defense Seeks 12 to 14 Years as Judge Weighs Sentence in Naramata Manslaughter Case

Defense lawyers recommend 12 to 14 years for Ekene Anigbo following his manslaughter conviction in the 2021 death of Kathleen Richardson in Naramata.

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Competing Sentence Recommendations Presented in B.C. Supreme Court

Defense lawyers representing former gang member Ekene Anigbo have asked a court for a prison sentence ranging from 12 to 14 years, arguing that the 27-year-old is making progress toward rehabilitation. Anigbo appeared in B.C. Supreme Court in Kelowna on Oct. 8 for the second day of his sentencing hearing following his Aug. 14 conviction for manslaughter in the death of 57-year-old Kathleen Richardson.

The defense’s proposal stands in contrast to the position of the Crown, which asked on Oct. 7 for a life sentence with no chance of parole for 10 years. Anigbo’s legal team criticized the prosecution’s request, contending that it was an attempt to “artificially inflate” the penalty. If the judge accepts the defense recommendation, Anigbo would become eligible to apply for parole after completing one-third of his term.

Details Surrounding the 2021 Naramata Homicide

The conviction stems from an incident in the early hours of June 9, 2021, when Anigbo and co-accused Jalen Falk entered Richardson’s home in Naramata searching for her son, Wade Cudmore. While Justice Alison Beames ruled that the prosecution did not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Anigbo fired the fatal shots, the court determined the two men worked together and killed Richardson, whose body was discovered in her basement later that day.

Court proceedings revealed that the intrusion was linked to a broader conspiracy rooted in the killing of brothers Erick and Carlos Fryer. Anigbo’s associates suspected Cudmore was involved in the brothers’ deaths and had taken drugs and money. Armed with at least two firearms, Anigbo and Falk sought information on Cudmore’s whereabouts from Richardson. Evidence showed Richardson resisted, sustaining non-fatal injuries to her hands and arms before being killed.

Subsequent Legal Outcomes and Upcoming Ruling

An RCMP officer found Richardson’s body while visiting the residence to alert Cudmore that his safety might be at risk. Cudmore was taken into custody the following day for the deaths of the Fryer brothers and was subsequently convicted on two counts of second-degree murder. In February, Falk admitted guilt to second-degree murder in connection with Richardson’s death, receiving a life sentence with parole eligibility set at 16 years.

During his time held at the Okanagan Correctional Centre, Anigbo has taken courses in employability skills, anger management, and Indigenous programs, with court hearing he has maintained no gang ties since 2024. Justice Beames is scheduled to deliver the court’s sentencing decision on Nov. 2.

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