By Chad Dashly | The Current

Editorial note: Based on publicly available information, Kory Teneycke is one of the most influential conservative strategists in Canada. He served as communications director to former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, co-founded Rubicon Strategy, and managed multiple successful Ontario PC campaigns for Doug Ford. He has developed a reputation as a blunt, often controversial political operator who is willing to publicly criticize even members of his own political movement when he believes strategy is failing. (Wikipedia)

Anthony Russo appears to be a low level BC-based conservative activist, commentator, YouTuber and content creator with a growing presence on X and YouTube, where he focuses on grassroots conservative politics and leadership issues. (X (formerly Twitter))

For legal reasons, we cannot independently verify every allegation, criticism, or exchange between the two men, nor can we conclude that one person’s actions will definitely cause specific political consequences. This is an opinion discussing the broader political implications of a public feud between an establishment strategist and a grassroots activist.

By Chad Dashly | The Current

Politics has always been a battle of ideas.

Today, it is increasingly becoming a battle of tribes.

Over the past several weeks, one of the more interesting conservative skirmishes has not taken place in a legislature, a campaign war room, or a party convention hall. Instead, it has unfolded online, where BC activist and commentator Anthony Russo has repeatedly taken aim at veteran conservative strategist Kory Teneycke.

On the surface, it looks like a personality clash.

In reality, it represents something much bigger.

It is the latest chapter in a growing struggle between the conservative establishment and a newer generation of grassroots activists who believe the old playbook is broken.

To understand the conflict, you first need to understand the players.

Kory Teneycke is not simply another political commentator. He is one of the most successful conservative strategists in Canada. His fingerprints can be found on some of the biggest conservative victories of the last two decades. Whether serving Stephen Harper, helping build Sun News, or guiding Doug Ford’s Ontario campaigns, Teneycke has become part strategist, part operator, and part political celebrity.

He represents experience.

He represents pragmatism.

Most importantly, he represents the belief that politics is about winning.

Anthony Russo comes from a different world.

Like many younger conservative voices, he built his profile outside the traditional political establishment. His audience was not created through party organizations, consultants, or lobbyists. It was built online, directly with grassroots conservatives who increasingly distrust institutions, political insiders, and professional consultants.

He represents authenticity. But most conservatives don’t agree with his methods. he is a member of a fringe group.

He represents frustration.

Most importantly, he represents the belief that politics should be about principles first and strategy second.

Neither side is entirely right.

Neither side is entirely wrong.

Niether men have never been elected for public office.

The problem is that modern conservatism increasingly needs both.

Movements require activists.

Governments require professionals.

One brings raw energy. The other brings execution.

The tension emerges when either side starts believing it can succeed without the other.

Grassroots activists often underestimate how difficult it is to build winning coalitions. The political graveyard is filled with movements that had passion but lacked discipline.

At the same time, establishment strategists often underestimate how quickly grassroots supporters can withdraw trust when they believe insiders are protecting their own interests.

This dynamic has become increasingly visible across conservative politics in Canada, the United States, and Europe.

The old gatekeepers no longer control the conversation.

A smartphone and a social media account can build influence faster than a party executive committee.

That reality makes people like Anthony Russo impossible to ignore.

But influence and effectiveness are not always the same thing.

The risk for Russo is that constant attacks eventually become counterproductive. If every disagreement becomes a public war, people begin to focus on personalities rather than principles. The audience becomes exhausted. The message gets lost.

The risk for Teneycke is different.

The more establishment figures dismiss grassroots concerns, the more they reinforce the belief that ordinary members are not being heard.

History suggests that neither side ultimately wins these fights.

The winners are those who learn to work together.

Conservatives who want to form governments need the strategic expertise of people like Kory Teneycke.

They also need the passion and grassroots energy represented by voices like Anthony Russo.

Without the first, they lose elections.

Without the second, they lose movements.

The real question is not whether Russo is right about Teneycke.

Nor is it whether Teneycke is right about Russo.

The real question is whether conservatives can bridge the widening gap between the grassroots and the establishment before that divide becomes permanent.

Because if they cannot, the people celebrating the loudest won’t be conservatives at all.

It will be their political opponents.

Editorial note: This Opinion is written as a political opinion piece rather than a personal attack on either individual and focuses on the broader implications for conservative politics in Canada, and its future.

The BC Conservatives have chosen experience. The next question is whether they can turn opposition momentum into a credible path to government.

Kerry-Lynne Findlay Has Won. Now the Real Test Begins.

Leadership races are fun and easy. Governing is hard. Being in opposition is harder. Turning a protest movement into a government-in-waiting is harder still.

With Kerry-Lynne Findlay’s victory in the BC Conservative leadership race, the party has settled its internal debate. Members chose experience, discipline, and a candidate with deep roots in both provincial and federal politics.

The celebration will be noisy. The speeches will be buoyant. Social media will declare a turning point.

But by the end of this week though, the BC Conservatives will run into a reality no leadership race can fix.

The party will no longer be judged on its potential.

It will be judged on its readiness.

The End of Protest Politics

For years, the BC Conservatives prospered as the political vehicle for public anger. Anger over housing costs. Anger over health-care waits. Anger over public safety and a political class many voters believed had stopped listening.

That anger drove the party’s rise.

But voters eventually ask a different question:

not what you oppose, but what you stand for. That is now Findlay’s problem to solve.

She inherits a party with energy, volunteers, and a growing membership. She also inherits rival camps, ideological friction, and expectations large enough to keep any strategist awake.

The Conservatives have spent years building momentum. Now they must build credibility.

Why the NDP Is Watching Closely

If you are David Eby today, you are probably feeling two things at once:

relief and unease.

The relief comes from familiarity.

Findlay is a known figure, not an outsider or a newcomer. She understands campaigns, messaging, fundraising, and party organization.

The NDP knows exactly who it is facing. But there is reason for concern as well.

Findlay’s biggest asset may be her ability to impose order on the turbulence that has trailed the Conservatives through their growth.

For months, New Democrats have enjoyed watching Conservative infighting fill headlines. Leadership races reveal divisions, harden factions, and leave bruises behind.

If Findlay can unify the party and professionalize its operation, the NDP loses one of its most comfortable advantages.

The Eby government would much rather face a divided opposition than a disciplined one. That is why the next six months matter more than the next six days.

The Election Will Be About Competence

The next provincial election is unlikely to be fought over ideology.

It will be fought over competence.

British Columbians are worried about affordability.

They are worried about housing.

They are also worried about emergency room closures, shortages of family doctors, public safety, and whether their children will be able to afford a future in the province.

Those concerns cross partisan lines.

The NDP will argue it has made progress while managing economic uncertainty, population growth, and global instability.

The Conservatives will argue that progress has been too slow and that British Columbians are bearing the cost.

Who wins that argument will likely decide who forms government.

For Findlay, the challenge is simple to describe and hard to meet: turn criticism into policy.

Pointing out problems is one thing.

Anyone can diagnose what is broken. Winning requires persuading voters you can fix it.

The Voters Who Matter Most

The Conservatives already know how to energize their base.

That is not the problem.

The road to government runs through voters who do not attend rallies, do not trade memes, and do not spend their nights arguing online.

It runs through suburban families worried about mortgage payments.

It runs through seniors worried about access to health care.

It runs through working-class voters wondering why every year feels less affordable than the last.

Those voters are not looking for political theatre.

They are looking for confidence.

The next election will go to the leader who can persuade British Columbians that they understand the squeeze people are under and have a serious plan to relieve it.

That means Findlay must broaden the Conservative coalition without alienating the activists who helped build it.

Every opposition leader eventually faces that balancing act.

Few manage it well.

What Findlay Does Next

The immediate task is unity. Every leadership race creates winners and losers. Every campaign leaves disappointed supporters behind.

Her first job is to turn yesterday’s rivals into tomorrow’s allies. Her second is to build a platform that does more than denounce the government. Her third is to prepare for what could be British Columbia’s most competitive provincial election in a generation.

The NDP remains a formidable political machine with an experienced leader and a governing record to defend.

The Conservatives remain a movement with momentum, energy, and rising public support.

Put together, those forces could produce a real two-party fight. For years, British Columbia politics has been defined by realignment.

Now it may be defined by competition. Kerry-Lynne Findlay won the leadership.

That was the easy part.

Winning the leadership was the easy part. The real test starts now: persuading British Columbians she is ready to govern.

Opinion by Chad Dashly

People are tired. Not just politically tired. Financially tired. Emotionally tired. Tired of working harder every year only to watch groceries climb, housing drift further out of reach, and small businesses struggle under the weight of taxes, regulation, and uncertainty.

And while regular people tighten their belts, governments keep acting like the solution to every problem is another announcement, another consultant, another bureaucracy.

The disconnect is growing.

You can feel it when young people quietly admit they may never own a home in the communities where they grew up. You can feel it when seniors choose between prescriptions and groceries. You can feel it when small business owners—the backbone of every town in this province—wonder whether it’s still worth the risk to keep going.

British Columbians are not asking for miracles. They are asking for competence. Stability. Common sense.

That is why political movements across Canada are changing so quickly right now. People are no longer satisfied with polished talking points and carefully scripted politics. They want leaders who understand what it feels like to run payroll, balance a household budget, or worry about the future their kids are inheriting.

The rise of grassroots conservative energy in BC is not happening because people suddenly became angry overnight. It is happening because many voters feel ignored by institutions that no longer seem connected to everyday life.

And here’s the reality many political insiders still fail to understand: this isn’t just about ideology anymore. It’s about trust.

Trust that governments will spend responsibly.

Trust that public safety matters.

Trust that hard work still means something.

Trust that communities—not just political brands—come first.

At the same time, conservatives also face a choice. Winning frustration is easy. Building confidence is harder.

British Columbians do not want endless outrage. They want steady leadership. They want solutions that lower the temperature instead of raising it. They want leaders who can disagree without dividing neighbours against each other.

The next phase of politics in BC will belong to the people who understand both sides of that equation:

• the frustration people feel,
• and the hope they still want to believe in.

Because despite everything, British Columbians remain remarkably resilient. Communities still show up for each other. Volunteers still carry organizations that governments alone cannot replace. Entrepreneurs still take risks. Families still sacrifice to build something better.

That spirit is still here.

The question now is whether political leadership can catch up to the people it is supposed to serve.